VIGIL in support of Palestinian Political Prisoners, especially Hana Shalabi, this Friday evening:
23 March 2012
On 20 March 2012, Defense for Children International-Palestine launched a new report:Bound, Blindfolded and Convicted: Children held in military detention.The report found that there is a systematic pattern of ill-treatment, and in some cases torture, of children held in the military detention system, with the majority of the abuse occurring during the first 48 hours. The key findings of the report are presented in the table below:
| # | Common complaints and areas of concern | Number of cases | Percentage of children |
| 1 | Hand ties | 296 | 95% |
| 2 | Blindfolds | 281 | 90% |
| 3 | Physical violence | 234 | 75% |
| 4 | Detention inside Israel in violation of Article 76 | 196 | 63% |
| 5 | Arrested between midnight and 5:00 am | 188 | 60% |
| 6 | Confession during interrogation |
180 | 58% |
| 7 | Threats | 178 | 57% |
| 8 | Verbal abuse and/or humiliation | 169 | 54% |
| 9 | Strip searched | 102 | 33% |
| 10 | Transferred on floor of vehicle | 98 | 32% |
| 11 | Signed/shown documents written in Hebrew | 91 | 29% |
| 12 | Solitary confinement | 38 | 12% |
The testimonies reveal that most children are arrested from villages located close to friction points, namely settlements built in violation of international law, and roads used by the Israeli army or settlers. The report includes 10 recommendations, which if implemented, would reduce the level of ill-treatment, but no one should be under any illusion that the treatment documented in the report can be eliminated so long as the friction points remain and Palestinian children are treated as second-class individuals.
The full report is available on line, and hard copies are available on request.
EMERGENCY RALLY FOR HANA SHALABI @UNION SQUARE (14TH STREET AND BROADWAY ON STEPS OF PARK)
Friday, March 23, 2012
5:00pm until 7:00pm
Facebook Event: https://www.facebook.com/events/350938041607190/
Existence is Resistance calls on all that are able to please join us at an emergency rally for Hana Shalabi in Union Square in NYC this Friday.
We know its short notice but Hana has been transferred to hospital and is in and out of consciousness at this time.
Hana is a 29 year old Palestinian woman who was held over 2 years on Israels “Administrative Detention” which means you can be held 6 months at a time (renewable indefinitely) with no charges.
Israel released her during the prisoner swap for Gilad Shalit and then rearrested her 4 months later (February 16th) – she has since been on Hunger Strike entering her 35th day today.
Please come out and stand in solidarity and help us spread her message that being held with no charges under Administrative detention is unacceptable.
ASSEMBLE GEORGE SQUARE at 4PM to march to BBC SCOTLAND Headquarters at Pacific Quayhttp://www.addameer.org/
It took almost 50 days for Khader Adnan’s hunger strike to receive the limited coverage it received here in the UK and we must take the streets of Glasgow to show that we will not accept or be party to this wall of silence that we will not let Hana and the others die in silence.
The BBC has a woeful record in covering the Palestinian issue and we will marching down to the BBC building to hand-in a letter of complaint and an appeal to them and all media outlets to give this story the coverage it deserves.
Students in Scotland led the way in calling for a Global Hunger Strike day of action on Friday 16th March, which saw hundreds worldwide fasting for one day in solidarity.
To keep the momentum and to do our very best to raise awareness students will be joining the rolling hunger strike called by Glasgow University Palestine Society which began on Saturday 17th March. One person has been fasting for 24 hours to be replaced by someone else the next day and will continue as long as Hana Shalabi remains on hunger strike. Saturday’s demonstration will also to be to mark week #1.
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Silence is complicity, we refuse to be silent, join us and help make the message from Scotland loud and clear:
“No to arbitrary detention, Freedom for Hana Shalabi, Freedom for all the prisoners, Freedom for Palestine
RAMALLAH, (PIC)– Megiddo prison administration transferred the prisoners, who went on hunger strike in solidarity with Hana Al-Shalabi, to other prisons, lawyer Jawad Boulus said.
The prisoners told the lawyer, who visited them, that the prison’s administration had transferred Mohammed Sabha, the Hamas prisoners’ representative, to isolation in the Gilboa jail, Mohammed Al-Aboushi to isolation in Ashkelon jail, Bilal Camille to an unknown place, and Tariq Ka’adan to Acre jail.
The prisoners added that the prisons’ administration took such punitive measures in an attempt to reduce the number of those who are prepared to join the hunger strike, especially with the increasing number of hunger strikers that reached 24. As a response to these unfair measures the prisoners returned a meal on Saturday and decided to return the meals on Sunday, Wednesday, and Thursday.
Boulus stated that the prisoners greeted the steadfastness of Palestinian woman Hana Al-Shalabi who went on an open hunger strike for more than 30 days, and called on organizations catering for the affairs of prisoners to shed light on the plight of Palestinian administrative detainees, who are held in Israeli custody without trial or charge.
By: Fadi Abu Saada
Published Friday, March 16, 2012 in Al-Akhbar English
Tens of thousands of Palestinians and their families have suffered from the humiliation brought on by a single law, one that Israel uses to jail people without charges.
Ramallah – There is no doubt that the historic hunger strike by Palestinian prisoner Khader Adnan, a leading member of Islamic Jihad – which lasted for 66 days – cast a light on the injustice of the occupation’s administrative detention law.
Now female prisoner, Hana Shalabi, is doing the same. She has just completed 28 days of an open-ended hunger strike which began with her arrest on February 16. She is striking in protest against her arrest, method of interrogation, and strip search.
British Origins
The British were not content with the calamitous Balfour Declaration which led to the Palestinian catastrophe. They went further with their injustice with a set of unfair laws in Palestine which live on today.
The Israeli occupation forces found such measures to be perfectly suited for their needs, so they began to implement them immediately.
One of these is “administrative detention,” which allows for the detention of Palestinians for up to 6 months without a charge. Worse yet, the period can be repeatedly renewed, completely circumventing due process.
According to the Palestinian prisoner affairs ministry, Israeli military law explicitly sanctions administrative detention.
Initially, the law was sanctioned because orders for administrative detention were carried out under “emergency laws” promulgated by the British mandate in 1945. But in 1979, Israel passed a new law adopting the same powers as the emergency law.
A record number of administrative detainees were held during the first intifada. Between 1987 and 1994, 20,000 orders for administrative detention were issued.
During the second intifada (2000), Israeli military courts recorded more than 19,000 such detentions.
According to Amnesty International, Khader Adnan is one of over 300 Palestinians currently held in administrative detention, including one man held for over five years and 24 Palestinian Legislative Council members.
The Biggest Hunger Strike
In the last few days, the prison administrations at the Gilboa, Shatta, and Megiddo facilities carried out DNA tests on prisoners under threat of force.
This is one of the reasons why Palestinian prisoners have just put “the final touches on the biggest open-ended hunger strike to be witnessed in Israeli prisons. It will start in April,” according to Waed, who works for the Society for Detainees and Ex-Detainees.
According to the prisoners, the strike will be a decisive turning point and will go on until their demands are met.
One of their most important demands is an end to the policy of solitary confinement, particularly for those who have been subjected to isolation for a long time.
There are some other crucial complaints such as medical neglect, administrative detention, and visitation rights.
Visitors, for example, have to wait many months to obtain the approval of the occupation forces. Their family relationship and the minute details of visitors’ personalities are scrutinized.
However, things do not just end with an Israeli permit. Visitors must then contend with the arduous road to the prison, where family members are subjected to humiliating searches at Israeli checkpoints.
Prisons in the south, such as Ramon and Nafha, are a major nightmare for the people of Bethlehem and Hebron.
If they were to obtain a permit to visit, they know that they have to cross the Zahiriyya and al-Shamaa checkpoints south of Hebron.
Because of the deliberate humiliation of prisoners’ relatives, these checkpoints have become a flash point between the family members and the occupation soldiers.
According to eyewitness statements made to the prisoners affairs ministry by close family members: “The soldiers on these checkpoints search the families on purpose. They strip men and women naked. This generates widespread complaints among the families.”
The account continues by noting that “a number of people refuse the searches…so they cannot complete their trip, because these checkpoints are the gateways to the prisons in the south and the families have to go through them.”
Prisoners’ families in the areas of Bethlehem and Hebron announced that they will stop visiting their loved ones if this humiliating treatment continues.
Although more than one meeting has been held with the International Red Cross, one of the organizers of the visits who coordinate with the Israeli side, nothing has changed.
The representative of prisoners in Ramon, Jamal Al-Rajjoub, who is serving a life sentence, says: “Our dignity is more important to us than anything. We don’t want visits where our wives and sisters are humiliated.”
The Zahiriyya military checkpoint is a model for tens of checkpoints all over the occupied West Bank, where prisoners’ families are abused and humiliated.
These visits have become a harsh punishment for the families, a journey of bitterness and hardship.
Furthermore, a large number of these relatives, who spend long hours at the checkpoint, in extreme cold or heat, go back home after refusing to endure such prolonged misery.
Some have their permits torn up by the soldiers without any reason. The measures also make it impossible for the sick and elderly to visit prisoners.
One of the saddest stories is the one of prisoner Mounif Abu Atwan’s mother.
She was humiliated at the Zahiriyya checkpoint, suffered severe exhaustion, and fainted. She died right after her visit to her son.
This article is an edited translation from the Arabic Edition.
Hana Shalabi’s Sister Speaks from ListenIn Pictures on Vimeo.
Zahera Shalabi is the sister of Hana Shalabi, a 29 year-old woman from the village of Burqin in the Jenin district in Palestine. In February 2012, the Shalabi’s home was raided and Hana was arrested. She has since been in Israeli prison under what is called Administrative Detention where over 300 Palestinians are held without charge or trial. Zahera speaks about her sister as a young woman who is an artist and a dreamer who never hurt anyone. She speaks of the struggles her family has been going through since Hana was arrested. Shalabi’s parents have both been on hunger strike in solidarity with their daughter. As Hana Shalabi could be dying in prison, her father appeals to the whole world to hear their call and to put pressure on the Israeli government to release his daughter. In his own words, “Hana is not only my daughter, she is the daughter of every Palestinian.”
[note: This video was shot and edited by Vivien Sansour, with editing support by ListenIn Pictures]
Tuesday, April 17, 2012
5:00 PM – 7:00 PM
CBC Building, 700 Hamilton St (Hamilton and Georgia), Vancouver
Nearly 5,000 Palestinian political prisoners are held in jails in Israel, including 170 children and 6 women. 310 prisoners are held – without charge or trial – under administrative detention. Palestinian prisoners include over 20 lawmakers and national leaders, like Ahmad Sa’adat, Marwan Barghouthi and Aziz Dweik.
On April 17, 2012, Palestinian Prisoners’ Day, people around the world will respond to the call to take action for Palestinian political prisoners. The courage of hunger striking prisoners Khader Adnan and Hana Shalabi drew the attention of the world as they protested their confinement in administrative detention – imprisonment without charge or trial – by the Israeli occupation.
In Vancouver, Join us on April 17 to support Palestinian prisoners, demand their freedom, and call for justice. Rally and Speak-Out for Palestinian Prisoners; Tuesday, April 17, 2012, 5 PM – 7 PM, CBC Building, 700 Hamilton St (Hamilton and Georgia), Vancouver.
We demand the immediate release of all Palestinian prisoners held by Israel. Their imprisonment reflects Israel’s inherent system of injustice and racism. In addition, Israel must immediately halt its practices of:
Here in Canada, the Canadian government is deeply complicit and directly implicated in the ongoing occupation of Palestine and the crimes of the Israeli state – as well as responsible for political imprisonment and repression in indigenous communities, against migrants, refugees and other targeted communities.
The voices of Palestinian political prisoners remain silenced and unheard. Indeed, Jason Kenney’s Ministry of Citizenship and Immigration defunded Palestine House’s immigrant settlement programs in part because it held an event celebrating the release of Palestinian prisoners, in a clearly politically-motivated action. When the voices of Palestinian prisoners manage to break through on Radio-Canada (French-language CBC), they face immediate attack from Zionist groups and even rebukes from within the station while Palestinian prisoners’ struggles rarely make it at all to the English-language CBC airwaves.
Palestinian prisoners are on the front lines of the Palestinian struggle for liberation on a daily basis. In the jails of occupation, Palestinian prisoners confront the oppressor and the occupier, and put their bodies and lives on the line to continue their people’s struggle to achieve justice and freedom for the land and people of Palestine. The Israeli occupation has criminalized all forms of Palestinian existence and Palestinian resistance – from peaceful mass demonstrations to armed struggle to simply refusing to be silent and invisible as a Palestinian. Palestinian prisoners are men and women – and children – from every part of Palestine, from every family. Their absence is keenly felt in the homes, communities, villages, towns, labour, women’s and student organizations from which they were taken by the occupation. They suffer torture, isolation, coercive interrogation, denial of family and lawyers’ visits, on a daily basis. And it is their hunger strikes, their calls to the world, their unity and solidarity, and their continued leadership in the Palestinian movement that must inspire us daily and remind us of our responsibility to take action.
Join us on April 17, Palestinian Prisoners’ Day, to be part of the global movement for justice and freedom for Palestinian prisoners.
Called by Samidoun Palestinian Prisoner Solidarity Network, Alliance for People’s Health, Boycott Israeli Apartheid Campaign, Solidarity for Palestinian Human Rights – UBC, International League of People’s Struggle – Canada, Canada Palestine Association
It’s Right to Rebel
resisting criminalization of people’s struggles at home and abroad
Facebook Event: https://www.facebook.com/events/390814437596163/
Repression of people’s struggles has always been part of Canadian State policy, though the ideological cover has changed over time. In the 19th Century overt racism and white supremacy were mobilized to justify genocidal state violence and terrorism against Indigenous people, for example against the 1885 Northwest Rebellion and the state sanctioned lynching of it’s leaders. In the 20th Century while the racist colonial policies persisted, anti-communism became the cover for Canadian interventions – for example against the nascent Soviet Union and in Korea – and suppression of struggles of workers and oppressed people at home. Since the attacks of September 11, 2001 the “war on terror”, labeling of people’s struggles as ‘terrorism’, has become a main propaganda tool of the Canadian State – used to justify occupation of Afghanistan; support for Israeli occupation and aggression; and surveillance, harassment and criminalization of Indigenous people’s movements, immigrant communities and activists inside Canadian borders.
Our challenge is to figure out how we can expose and oppose the particular ideological framework currently mobilized by the imperialist states – the ‘war on terror’ – while building our own positive position that not only do people have a right to rebel against imperialism but that in the context of the systemic structural violence of the system it is right to rebel!
Dr. Merry Mia Clamor is Director of Health Education and Training for the Council for Health and Development, which supports Community Based Health Programs throughout the Philippines, and is one of the Morong 43, progressive health workers imprisoned for 10 months in 2010 on trumped up charges.
Gord Hill is an Indigenous activist, organizer and artist based in occupied Coast Salish Territory, and author of the 500 Years of Resistance comic book.
Charlotte Kates is an activist with SAMIDOUN – Palestinian Prisoner Solidarity Network, the Boycott Israeli Apartheid Campaign, and a member of the National Lawyers Guild International Committee.
Steve Da Silva is a contributor to BASICS community newspaper (Toronto), and Vice-Chairperson of the International League of People’s Struggles – Canada.
More speakers TBA
…with an opening poem from former political prisoner Angie Ipong, who spent 6 years in prison for her work in solidarity with peasants and Indigenous people in the Philippines.
SUNDAY, APRIL 15, 2PM
@ 601 KEEFER ST
(STRATHCONA COMMUNITY CENTRE)
Onsite childcare and light refreshments provided!
Organized by: Alliance for People`s Health, Canada Philippines Solidarity for Human Rights, International League of People`s Struggles – Canada.
Adnan Case More than Scrapping Israeli Detention Law by Ameer Makhoul (English/Arabic)
Please see below for Arabic text.
The case of the freedom fighter Khader Adnan reminds us of where the strength of the Palestinian people lies. This is the strength that was squandered and dissipated in the Oslo process and the pursuit of a state at the expense of national liberation.
With his historic hunger strike and his heroic resolve in his fight against the occupying state, Adnan has reaffirmed an important principle of resistance to colonialist regimes: when the people, or individuals, who are their victims remain resolute, the world will react. Sympathy turns into solidarity, and that in turn can nurture a growing movement of support for the struggle which is capable of shaking the foundations of the colonialist system.
His case has also confirmed the fact that the colonizer’s agencies can never protect its victim. Its project can only be defeated by breaking the dominance of those agencies and the rules they enforce.
Adnan’s battle for life and dignity is a model to be emulated in the Palestinian liberation struggle. It has lessons to offer the participants in that struggle, including prisoners and international solidarity activists, on how their work can be integrated.
Adnan seized the initiative and declared an open-ended hunger strike to protest against his imprisonment under an administrative detention order. His aim was clear: to defy both the order and the Israeli system of oppression. He also was seeking to serve notice that Palestinians refuse to accept the treatment meted out to them by the occupation authorities.
The campaign he triggered illustrated how the components of popular struggle can be brought together. Inspired by the prisoner’s determination, Palestinians in the 1948 territories responded quickly. A popular media and mobilization campaign was rapidly launched, both locally and internationally. A variety of youth and other grassroots organizations became immediately involved, as did prisoners’ families and political groups.
This activism soon spread to the West Bank, Gaza Strip, and Jerusalem. It also spread among the Palestinian diaspora and spawned a formidable worldwide movement.
Prisoners in Israeli jails also launched a campaign to champion, support, and share the responsibility with Adnan. They adopted the principles of organized collective escalation, which began by rejecting meals and refusing to receive supplies (the prison authorities responded by closing off the open-air courtyards and preventing the prisoners from leaving their cells). Growing numbers also declared open-ended hunger strikes.
The prisoners knew that their battle was not with the prison authorities per se, but the occupation state as a system, with all its extensions and institutions. But the prison authorities were the weak link within the security apparatus on which pressure could be applied. The prisoners thus sent a message to the government of Israel that Adnan speaks for them all and warned of the consequences of endangering his life.
The prison authorities in turn urged the government to resolve Adnan’s case as quickly as possible in order to forestall the growing unrest among the prisoners. In effect, the prisoners’ message was received.
The Israeli security apparatus was extremely worried when the hunger strike continued and Adnan’s condition became critical. They were not concerned for his life, but feared his death could help trigger a new Palestinian intifada, including in the 1948 territories.
The strategy of rapid multi-faceted action proved its effectiveness. In addition to Palestinian action, a major and influential role was played by international solidarity movements. This pressure, coupled with fear of what would happen if there was an explosion of Palestinian anger, prompted even the US and European countries to make statements in the last few days of the hunger strike against the administrative detention of Adnan.
Solidarity and Empowerment
One of the major strengths of the campaign to support Adnan was that it told his personal human story, as well as of his life in politics and his struggle, in a manner that successfully conveyed both his suffering and his resolve. Adnan’s story also embodied the essence of the Palestinians’ experience and their quest for their rights and freedom, and serve to expose Israel’s essence for what it really is.
This was more effective at moving people than mere facts and figures – important as they are – could have been. The main part in the drama was played by the prisoner himself. Adnan family, wife, father, and children also played heroic roles.
This battle highlighted the bankruptcy of the discourse of “moderation” which Israel and the US have foisted on the official Palestinian leadership. This moderate stance claims that if we Palestinians wish to secure international support, we must adopt a moderate posture. In practice, this means voluntarily accepting the oppressive controls imposed by the globalized terror of the state. “Moderation” here means abandoning the right to resist the occupying state.
Yet what we have just witnessed is that the world lends support when Palestinians themselves fight back and stand firm, regardless of their political affiliation. The ability to affect and move international public opinion and secure effective wide-scale solidarity was not the outcome of a public relations strategy but of a real struggle on the ground to stand up to the oppressive colonialist machine.
Exposing Israeli courts
In all cases when an Israeli administrative detention by military order has been legally challenged – or an emergency regulations provision such as a ban on travelling or entering the territories occupied by Israel in 1967 – the Israeli high court has always upheld the policies of the military, security, and intelligence services.
What happens in court is that the judge asks the Palestinian challenging the order, whether he is an Israeli citizen or not, to authorize the Israeli judges to see the “secret evidence” which the victims and their lawyers are not allowed to see or know. If the victim agrees, the judges rule on the basis of the “secret evidence” and invariably agree with the finding of the security agencies, normally issued in the name of a relevant minister or military leader.
Should the victim refuse to trust in the honesty or credibility of the occupying state, the legal challenge is in effect over, as the judges will throw it out and blame the victim for its failure.
Lessons Unlearned
During the Adnan campaign, a number of Palestinian political leaders, human rights activists and media outlets used the argument that if Israel had any evidence against Adnan, it should have brought him before an ordinary court. Others have suggested that the success of his campaign should inspire a new one against the use of administrative detention orders in general.
These are dangerous notions, particularly when coming from people of standing and influence. Israel is an occupying state and a colonialist entity. Even international law protects the victims of occupation and prohibits their transfer to prisons within the borders of the occupying state. Therefore, both administrative detention and the “ordinary” occupation prisons are equally illegal.
Moreover, what is “evidence” supposed to mean here? Evidence of resisting the occupation? Resisting the occupation is legitimate: it is the Israeli occupation and colonization, with its settlements and courts, that are illegitimate. Have the thousands of Palestinian and Arab prisoners in Israeli jail been legitimately sentenced? They have all been tried on “evidence” that is mainly secret and neither they nor their lawyers are allowed to see.
There is another factor. Israeli academic studies have proven unequivocally the scale of scandalous discrimination in the sentences handed down by judges in criminal cases. The sentences given to Palestinian citizens of Israel are much harsher than those given to Jewish Israeli convicts. So what can one expect when the judge representing the occupying state adjudicates on a charge of resistance by victims of this occupation?
The battle against Israeli emergency laws is a battle for the Israelis, not for the Palestinian people.The real concern for the people under occupation is not whether the detention of their sons or daughters was carried out using an Israeli administrative order or a military or civilian court order. The oppression, repression, and plunder are the same no matter which tool the occupation uses. Adnan’s battle is a fight against the whole colonialist project and not just one of its tools.
But when Palestinian leaders and human rights activists declare that the next step is to escalate the campaign against administrative detention orders, it indicates weakness or faulty vision.
The battle for the Palestinians, and all in the world who oppose occupation and colonialism, is against the occupation and the occupying state, and for national liberation, recovery of the homeland, and the return of its people who are refugees and exiles.
The case of Adnan proves that victory over the colonialist project is not a mission impossible. It is possible. And it has renewed and strengthened the hope that the Palestinian people are capable of energizing heir free will…the will for victory.
Ameer Makhoul is a Palestinian civil society leader and political prisoner at Gilboa Prison.
This article is co-published by The Electronic Intifida and Al-Akhbar, translated from Arabic.
حين واجه خضر عدنان دولة الاحتلال
أمير مخول
سلّطت قضية المناضل خضر عدنان الضوء من جديد على مَواطن قوة الشعب الفلسطيني، وبالذات تلك التي تمّ تغييبها في متاهات «أوسلو»، والركض وراء دولة على حساب التحرر الوطني. والدولة والتحرر الوطني ليسا بالضرورة سِيّان. وفي إضرابه التاريخي عن الطعام، وصموده البطولي في مقارعة دولة الاحتلال، أعاد الشيخ خضر عدنان تأكيد قانون أساسي في مقاومة النظام الاستعماري، ألا وهو أنّه حين يصمد الشعب الضحية أو أفراده، يتفاعل العالم ويتحوّل التعاطف الى حراك تضامني، وحراك كفاحي متصاعد قادر على زحزحة المنظومة الاستعمارية. والجانب الآخر ممّا أكده هو أنّه ليست أدوات لعبة دولة الاحتلال هي التي تفيد الضحية أو تحميها، وإنما كسر هذه الأدوات وكسر قواعد اللعبة المُهيّمِنة، كذلك ابتكار أدوات كفاحيّة تحرريّة واضحة المعالم هو ما يُبطِل مفعول تفوّق القوة المستعمِرة وقهرها، ويلحق بهم وبمشروعهم الضرر في الصميم.
وجسّدت معركة الحياة والكرامة تلك نموذجاً ناجحاً يحُتذى في الكفاح التحرري الفلسطيني، وجدير الالتفات الى دروسها، سواء في ما يتعلق بالحراك الفلسطيني، بما فيه حراك الحركة الأسيرة والحراك الدولي والتكامل بينهما.
لقد اخذ الشيخ خضر عدنان زمام المبادرة وأعلن إضرابه المفتوح عن الطعام في مواجهة أمر السجن/الاعتقال الإداري، وكان هدفه واضحاً وهو كسر الأمر ومنظومة القهر الإسرائيلية. وكذلك أراد تحديد معيار لتعامل لا يقبل فيه الفلسطيني تلقائية تقبل ممارسات دولة الاحتلال.
جسّدت هذه المعركة استراتيجية التحرك الشعبي السريع والمتكامل الملائمة بين مواصلة صمود الأسير المناضل وبين وتيرة الفعل الشعبي على تعدد أدواته، وشهدنا تكامل الدور الفلسطيني.
الجماهير الفلسطينية في الداخل (مناطق الـ48) تجاوبت سريعاً، وجرت حملة حشد شعبي وإعلامي محلي ودولي حدّدت وتيرتها حماسة الشباب والمبادرات الفردية وعائلات الأسرى والتجاوب السريع والتحفّز لدى القوى السياسية والأطر القيادية الجماهيرية. وبدأ الحراك التصعيدي في أنحاء الضفة الغربية وقطاع غزة والقدس والشتات، وتحوّل بسرعة الى حراك عالمي جبّار.
أما الحركة الأسيرة داخل السجون الإسرائيلية، فقد قامت بحملة مُناصرة ومساندة وتقاسم المسؤولية مع خضر عدنان، واعتمدت مبدأ التصعيد المنظم والجماعي، بدءاً بإرجاع وجبات الطعام ورفض تسلّم المؤن (وفي المقابل قامت سلطات السجون بإغلاق الساحات الداخلية ومنع الأسرى من الخروج من الغرف) ولغاية اتساع حلقة أسرى الحرية الذين أعلنوا إضراباً مفتوحاً عن الطعام. وقد ظهرت جليّة حالة التوتر، والأهم منها حالة استنهاض كفاحي واستعداد الحركة الأسيرة لتصعيد خطواتها، ذلك مع الاخذ بالحسبان أنّها ليست معركة صدام مباشر مع مصلحة السجون، وإنما مع دولة الاحتلال كمنظومة بكل مؤسساتها وحلقاتها. ومصلحة السجون هي الحلقة الضعيفة في هذه الحالة ضمن مجمل المؤسسة الأمنية، ولهذا السبب كان من المهم الضغط عليها من قبل أسرى الحرية. وقد وجّه الأسرى رسائل مباشرة الى حكومة إسرائيل تعتبر قضية خضر عدنان قضية كلّ الحركة الأسيرة، وتحذِّر من عواقب المسّ بحياة المناضل. وكان من الأهمية بمكان كيف قرأت مصلحة السجون حراك الأسرى، لتطالب من جهتها حكومة إسرائيل بإنهاء قضية خضر عدنان بأسرع وقت ممكن، وذلك لتجنّب حالة الغليان المتصاعدة بين الأسرى. هكذا وصلت عملياً رسالة الأسرى، وخلقت جزءاً من الحالة الكفاحية الضاغطة على دولة الاحتلال.
لقد شهدت المؤسسة الأمنية الإسرائيلية حالة من القلق الشديد جراء تواصل الإضراب والخطر على حياة الأسير خضر، لكن ذلك لم يكن قلقاً على حياته، وإنما خشيتهم من انتفاضة فلسطينية متجددة في جميع أنحاء الوطن الفلسطيني، بما فيه مناطق الـ48.
وقد أثبتت استراتيجية التحرك السريع فلسطينياً وعالمياً جدارتها، وأهمية استدامة هذه القدرة والجُهوزيَّة وتطويرها. فإضافة إلى الحراك الفلسطيني، شهدنا حراكاً واسعاً ومؤثراً على نطاق حركات التضامن العالمية أضيف الى ما قد يخلقه الغضب الفلسطيني في حال انفجاره، من ضغط على مواقف ومصالح الكتل الكبرى، وبالذات الاتحاد الأوروبي والولايات المتحدة التي أطلقت في الأيام الأخيرة للإضراب مواقف ضد السجن الإداري للأسير خضر عدنان.
خطاب المعاناة والصمود
أحد مواطن القوة الرئيسية في إدارة الحملات والحراك الواسع هو النجاح بتبيان وإظهار القصة الشخصية الإنسانية لخضر عدنان، إضافة الى السياسية والكفاحية. كذلك كان هناك نجاح كبير في نقل المعاناة بكاملها والصمود بكامله، والتحرر من أسلوب «الرقمنة»، والتعامل مع قضية أسرى الحرية ومناضلي الحرية بلغة المُعطيات الرقمية والجداول، واستبدالها بقصة إنسان جسدت جوهر المعاناة الفلسطينية وجوهر الحق الفلسطيني وجوهر الحرية وكشفت جوهر إسرائيل. وإذ لا أقلل بالمرة من أهمية المعطيات، لكنّها بحد ذاتها لا تُحرك مشاعر الناس ولا إرادتها الواعية. وقد كان الدور الأساسي للأسير، والدور البطولي للعائلة من زوجة وأب وأطفال.
في المقابل، أظهرت هذه المعركة بؤس خطاب «الاعتدال» الذي تسعى إسرائيل والإدارة الأميركية الى أن يتسلل تحت غطاء هيمنتها على الخطاب الرسمي الفلسطيني. هذا الخطاب مفاده «انّه إذا أردنا من العالم أن يدعمنا نحن الفلسطينيين، فمن الضروري تبني صوت معتدل»، أي اعتماد طوعي لضوابط قهرية فرضها إرهاب الدولة المعُولَم، إذ إنّ «الاعتدال» هنا يعني التراجع عن الحق بمقاومة دولة الاحتلال. وما شاهدناه أخيراً هو أنّ «العالم يتحرك» وبقوة، حين يكافح الفلسطيني ويصمد بغض النظر عن هويته السياسية. فالتأثير على الرأي العام العالمي، وتحريكه وكسب التضامن الواسع الفعال، ليسا حملة علاقات عامة، بل فعل كفاحي على ارض الواقع في مواجهة آلة القهر الاستعمارية.
حول المحكمة الإسرائيلية
في مجمل الحالات التي «رُفعت فيها دعاوى قضائية ضد سجن إداري (بأمر عسكري) أو جرى فيها استخدام أوامر وأنظمة الطوارئ مثل منع السفر خارج البلاد أو منع دخول المناطق التي احتلتها إسرائيل في 1967، فإنّ المحكمة العليا الإسرائيلية نفذت سياسة المؤسسة الأمنيّة العسكريّة والاستخبارية. فما يجري في المحكمة هو أن يطلب القضاة من الفلسطيني، سواء أكان مواطناً إسرائيلياً أم لا، بأن يُوكَل القضاة الإسرائيليين بالاطلاع على «الأدلة السرية» التي يمنع الضحية ومحاميه من الاطلاع عليها او معرفتها. وعندها إذا وافق الضحية، يقوم القضاة بإبداء رأيهم «بالأدلة السرية» وبشكل مطلق يقومون بتبنيها وتبني وجهة نظر الشاباك الإسرائيلي الذي يصدر باسم الوزير ذي الصلة أو باسم قائد عسكري.
أما إذا رفض الشخص الضحية اعتماد «صدق» و«صدقية» دولة الاحتلال، فعملياً إما يُسقِط هو الدعوى أو يرفضها القضاة مُحيلين المسؤولية على الضحية.
نطق عدد من الشخصيات القيادية وحقوقيون ووسائل إعلام فلسطينية بما مفاده: «إذا كان لديهم (لدى إسرائيل) أدلة وبيّنات، فليقدموه (خضر عدنان) للمحكمة العادية». وتكامل ذلك مع صوت آخر مفاده أنّه وبعد هذه المعركة الناجحة، يجب شن حملة ضد استخدام أوامر السجن الإداري.
إنّ هذه المفاهيم خطيرة حين تنطق بها شخصيات مؤثرة واعتبارية. إسرائيل هي دولة احتلال وكيان استعماري، وحتى القانون الدولي يحمي ضحايا الاحتلال ويُحرِّم نقلهم إلى السجن في حدود دولة الاحتلال. وعملياً كلا الأمرين، السجن الإداري والسجن الاحتلالي «العادي»، يناقضان بالدرجة نفسها القانون الدولي. ثم ما معنى «الأدلة» و«البَيِّنات»، وهل المقصود مقاومة الاحتلال؟ فمقاومة الاحتلال شرعية، وما هو غير شرعي هو الاحتلال والاستعمار الإسرائيلي الاستيطاني وقضاؤه. وهل آلاف أسرى الحرية الفلسطينيين والعرب في السجن الإسرائيلي محكومون شرعياً؟ كلّهم حُوكِموا على أساس «بَيِّنات وأدلة» غالبيتها سرية، لا يحق للأسرى ومحاميهم الاطلاع عليها. وهناك معطى آخر، إذ تثبت نِتائج أبحاث أكاديميِّة إسرائيلية، بنحو قاطع، حجم التمييز الرهيب الفاضح في أحكام القضاة في القضايا الجنائية والجرائم، كما أنّ الأحكام بحق المتهمين الفلسطينيين، مواطني إسرائيل، أعلى بكثير من السجناء الإسرائيليين اليهود، فكم بالحريّ حين ينظر قاضي دولة الاحتلال في «تهمة» مقاومة الضحايا للاحتلال!
الانشغال الحقيقي للشعب تحت الاحتلال هو ليس إذا كان اعتقال أبنائه وبناته باستخدام أمر إداري أو محكمة عسكريّة أو محكمة مدنيّة إسرائيلية، فالقمع والقهر والنهب هي ذاتها، مهما تعددت الأدوات الاحتلالية. ومعركة خضر عدنان هي مقاومة لمُجمَل المشروع الاستعماري، وليس لإحدى أدواته فحسب.
لكن حين تُعلن شخصيات قيادية وحقوقية فلسطينية أنّ الهدف التالي هو تصعيد الحملة ضد أوامر الاعتقال الإداري، فهذا دليل عجز أو رؤية مجتزأة. المعركة ضد أنظمة الطوارئ الإسرائيلية هي معركة الإسرائيليين، وليست معركة الشعب الفلسطيني. بل إنّ معركة الشعب الفلسطيني وكل مناهضي الاحتلال والاستعمار في العالم هي ضد الاحتلال ودولة الاحتلال ومن اجل التحرر الوطني واستعادة الوطن وعودة أهله اللاجئين والمهجرين.
لقد أثبتت قضية خضر عدنان أنّ الانتصار على المشروع الاستعماري ليس مُهمَّة غير ممكنة، بل ممكنة وقد جددت الأمل وعزّزته بأنّ الشعب الفلسطيني قادر على استنهاض إرادته الحرة… إرادة الانتصار.
* ناشط في المجتمع المدني وأسير في سجن الجلبوع الإسرائيلي